Political Developments in Nigeria

Though Nigeria as a distinct geographical, political and economic entity emerged in 1914 following Lord Fredrick Lugard’s amalgamation of the Northern and Southern protectorates, the processes that led inevitably to the evolution of Nigeria had started as early as 1849.
The first critical step in this uncertain path was taken in 1849 when as part of efforts to ‘sanitise’ the Bights of Benin and Biafra which were notorious for slave trading, the British monarch created a consulate for the two Bights. This was the foundation of what many years later became Eastern Nigeria.
The second major step, along the same path of Nigeria’s evolution was taken about 1862 when the British annexed the Lagos Lagoon area and its immediate environs and converted them into a crown colony. The political and administrative unit which later became Western Nigeria evolved from this annexation and consequent interactions between the British and the indigenous people of the area.
The third and final step in this uncharted path came in
1888 when the British granted the National African Company, belonging to the fierce monopolist, Tubman Goldie, a Royal Charter which changed the name to The Royal Niger Company. The Royal Niger Company was given political and administrative control over all the vast area which later in the 20th century became known as Northern Nigeria.
By 1897, those three blocks of territories had emerged as British Colonial Possessions. These were later reduced to two protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria.
The emergence of Nigeria is largely the story of how these two neighboring and interlocked colonial territories were brought together for the economic, administrative, and political convenience of the British.

In 1914, when Sir Fredrick Lugard amalgamated the Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria, only the Lagos Colony had a Legislative Council which offered any scope for discussing the affairs of government.
With the amalgamation in 1914, Fredrick Lugard created a Nigerian Council which had no legislative powers and met only once in a year to listen to Lugard’s address on the state of the Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria.
After the Lugard era, followed a number of Constitutional Conferences designed to meet either the nationalist demands of the emerging, handful but vociferous, educated Nigerians or smoothen the British administrative, economic and political machinery and processes.

The Hugh Clifford Constitution of 1922 introduced the elective principle for legislative houses for the first time and the Legislative Council which replaced Lord Lugard’s Nigerian Council legislated only for the Colony and Southern provinces while the Governor continued to legislate for the Northern Provinces through proclamations.

The Richards Constitution followed in 1946 with the aim of securing greater participation by Nigerians in discussing their affairs. The competence of the Legislative Council was increased to cover the whole country and Regional Councils were created for the Northern, Eastern and Western Provinces. The North had in addition, a House of Chiefs whose role was purely advisory.
Because this constitution was designed without full consultation with Nigerians, it was greeted with some hostility by Nigerians especially in the South.
Five short years later, the McPherson Constitution was promulgated in 1951. Nigerians participated fully in the making of this constitution from the village level up to the Ibadan General conference of 1950.
The 1951 constitution which has been described as a half-way house between regionalization and federation abolished the Legislative Council and established a 145-member House of Representatives, a bi-cameral legislature for the North and West and a unicameral legislature for the East.
The Regional Houses of Assembly were to legislate on a range of prescribed subjects while the House of Representatives was empowered to legislate on all matters including those on the Regional Legislative List.
A Public Service Commission was established to advise the Governor on the appointment and control of public officers.

Between 1951 and 1954, two important constitutional conferences were held in London and Lagos between Nigerian political leaders and the British Government. These conferences resulted in the 1954 Federal Constitution whose main features were the separation of Lagos, the nation’s capital, from the Western Region, the establishment of a Federal Government for Nigeria, comprising of three Regions, the East, North and West. Each region was placed under a Governor while a Governor General presided at the Federal level.
An exclusive Federal Legislative List, as well as a concurrent list of responsibilities for both the Federal and Regional Governments was introduced resulting in a strong central government and weak regions.
The judiciary and the public service were regionalized through the establishment of Regional Public Service Commissions in addition to the Federal Public Service.

In 1957 another conference held in London to review the 1954 Constitution. The Eastern and the Western regions were granted full self government, while Sir Ahmadu Bello announced that the Northern Region was to become independent in 1959. It is a clear measure of the strength of the anti-colonial sentiments and wind of nationalism blowing all over Nigeria that despite all these and other landmark achievements at that conference, Nigerians who had their eyes set on full Independence were not satisfied. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe addressed Nigerians after the Conference in London.

From the point of view of the evolution of the Nigerian State, the most significant thing about the 1954 constitution, which remained in force until Independence in 1960, was that Lugard’s principle of centralization, was replaced by the formula of decentralization as a matter of policy in the administration of the Nigerian State.
Another significant aspect of that constitution, which was to cast a long shadow on the development of independent Nigeria, was the unequal size of the regions.
On the eve of independence, the main feature of the Nigerian State that had evolved since 1900 were, a weak constitutional and institutional basis for development politics, an unbalanced federation, regionalism which engendered mutual jealousy and fear, as well as regionally based political constituencies.
Indeed, the Nigerian colonial state was perceived by Nigerians, especially the emerging political elite as an illegitimate foreign system operated according to unfamiliar rules and norms which could not promote a sense of common national identity among the diverse ethnic groups. These legacies of colonialism were clearly evident at the eve of Independence. The British Prime Minister, Mr. Harold Wilson in a historic address presented to the first independent Nigerian Parliament said a united Nigeria will definitely be a stronger nation.

The Nigerian Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa who was also an elected member of the House of Representatives in his address to the parliament outlined the areas of jurisdiction of the Federal Parliament.

In the early hours of October 1, 1960 expectant and joyous Nigerians gathered at the Tafawa Balewa Square in Lagos to watch some of the landmark ceremonies that transformed Nigeria into an independent nation state, crowning the efforts of nationalists who fought relentlessly against the British to end their colonial and imperial interests in Nigeria. For most other Nigerians however, Independence held they key to freedom from white oppression and access to all the good things of life which they believed the British deprived them.
Here are some of the events that took place at Tafawa Balewa Square on that historic morning. 

Since Independence, Nigeria has so far experimented with four constitutions, the 1960, 1963, 1979 and 1999 Constitutions. Though a constitution was drawn up in 1989, it was never promulgated.
The 1960 and 1963 constitutions were drawn up by civilian administrations, while the 1979 and 1999 constitutions products of the military.
From Independence, the 1960 Constitution came into force and remained until 1963. During this period some of the shortcomings of this fundamental law of Nigeria became obvious, particularly after the western regional crisis of 1962 and the legal battles that followed. One of the results was the amendment of the constitution to delete the supremacy of the Privy Council in Britain over the Nigerian Supreme Court.
These shortcomings of the Independence Constitution and the lessons learnt there-from formed the backdrop against which the 1963 Republican Constitution was drawn.
The 1960 Constitution is often described as monarchical because the office of the Governor General was retained while the 1963 Constitution is popularly called Republican because Nigeria became a republic and the office of Governor General was replaced by a President who was also Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. The Westminster Parliamentary system of Government inherited from Britain remained though the change from Governor General to President further erased the political legacies inherited from Britain.

The 1963 Republican Constitution soon went the way of all the other Constitutions before it, when in the early hours of January 15, 1966 following a protracted crisis in the Western Region of Nigeria, and the consequent insecurity of lives and property, a band of idealistic, young majors led by Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu ended Nigeria‘s first Republic in the very first military   intervention in the country’s body-politic. Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, who was the most senior officer in the Nigerian Army, though not part of the coup plotters, took control of the nation. With the members of the Supreme Military Council, the Nation’s highest policy organ, General Ironsi planned to reform some aspects of Nigeria’s colonial political heritage as outlined in his speech to the nation on the 28th of January 1966. 

Major General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi’s plans to move Nigeria towards a unitary, provincial system of administration in the style of Lord Lugard did not see the light of day as he was overthrown in Nigeria’s second coup barely six months after his assumption of office. His successors led by Lt.Col. Yakubu Gowon, later a general, had different ideas on which political direction the ship of the Nigerian state should be steered. This was very clear in General Gowon’s second speech to Nigerians in August, 1966.

General Gowon’s promise of a speedy return to civil rule could not be met immediately because of a number of reasons including the civil strife in both the Northern and Western regions following the overthrow of General Ironsi culminating in a thirty month civil war. At the end of the war, General Gowon declared that there were no victors and no vanquished as part of the government’s policy of reconciliation.
However, instead of restoring the regions abolished by Ironsi, Gowon, had as part of his strategy to weaken the breakaway Eastern region, carved Nigeria into twelve states, each headed by a military governor. This pacified for a short time, the persistent and loud claims of marginalization by some sections of the country.
Following General Gowon’s inability to return power to civilians in 1976 as promised, he was removed from office in Nigeria’s third military coup d’etat. General Murtala Muhammed, later assassinated in an attempted coup, and succeeded by General Olusegun Obasanjo took over power from General Gowon. 
Military rule continued in Nigeria until 1979 without significant political developments. As part of his transition arrangements for 1979, General Olusegun Obasanjo had a brand new Constitution fashioned for Nigerians. As he returned Nigeria to civil rule he may have believed that the era of military incursion into politics was over.

It is noteworthy that the abolition of the Parliamentary system of government in Nigeria on 1st October 1979 completed the process of change from the old monarchical order, inherited from Britain to a Republican order.
With the 1979 Constitution, we adopted the American style Executive Presidency and Governorship and institutionalized three separate lists stating the functions of the Federal, State and Local Governments.
Alhaji Shehu Shagari who succeeded Obasanjo in 1979, ushered in Nigeria’s second republic as the nation’s first Executive President. Here is an excerpt from Alhaji Shagari’s maiden address.

The Buhari Administration promulgated many decrees,
established several military tribunals and pre-occupied itself largely with ridding the nation of corruption   and immorality through a war against indiscipline.
Though on August 27, 1985 General Muhammadu Buhari was overthrown in a palace coup led by General Ibrahim Babangida, Buhari had effectively re-established military adventurism in Nigeria’s political rulership.
Buhari’s successor, General Ibrahim Babangida, a bold and creative military ruler set up a Political Bureau in January 1986 to midwife a return to civil rule. He created two states on September 27, 1987 and in December of the same year conducted Local Government elections on Non- Party basis. In December 1990, local government elections were held again followed in 1991 December by State Assembly and Governorship elections. The elected Governors were sworn into office in January 1992 and Nigeria became a diarchy.
Presidential elections were to follow on June 12, 1993 under the option A4 system devised by Professor Humphrey Nwosu, the head of the nation’s Electoral Commission. Bashorun Moshood Abiola won in the elections described as the freest and fairest elections in Nigeria but by a strange twist of fate, the results were annulled by President Ibrahim Babangida.

The hue and cry generated by the annulment forced General Babangida out of office on August 27, 1993.
In his hurry to leave office after the failure of his grand schemes and maneuvers, Babangida installed Nigeria’s first Interim National Government under Chief Ernest Shonekan.
However, a Lagos High Court promptly declared the Interim National Government illegal and General Sani Abacha, Chief Shonekan’s Defence Secretary seized power without hesitation.
General Abacha like Babangida before him devised several schemes to transform himself into a civilian ruler but died suddenly in office on June 8, 1998 paving the way for General Abdulsalam Abubakar to take over the instruments of power.
General Abubakar however dutifully handed over the reins of government to General Olusegun Obasanjo who had contested and won national elections earlier in the year. Olusegun Obasanjo, now a Chief, returned to power as President at the Eagle Square in Abuja on May 29, 1999 at the outset of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

On May 29, 2007 Chief Olusegun Obasanjo will go down in Nigeria’s political history as the first person who ascended Nigeria’s seat of government twice and handed over power to two different Presidents. Our time is up and this is where we draw the curtain on ‘Political Developments in Nigeria’, a chronicle of the political evolution of the Nigerian nation state.
Joshua Adams has been the recording engineer; I am Mani Onumonu your narrator. ‘Political Developments in Nigeria’ was produced by………George Chukwu.

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“RETURN TO DEMOCRACY ”

The day was Monday and it was first October, 1979. The venue was the beautifully decorated and filled to capacity, Tafawa-Balewa Square, Lagos.

The occasion was the handing over of affairs of government to the first democratically elected civilian President. As the sun rose, the Lagos skyline came alive as an admixture of dark and milky patch of cloud blew from the Atlantic to the mainland.

Standing in front of the Chief Justice of Nigeria Chief Fatai Williams in a sparkling white Babaringa with a handmade cone like cap to match, was the 54 year old Alhaji Shehu Usman Aliyu Shagari, the first executive President and Commander –in-Chief of the Armed forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, taking Oath of office, few minutes after the oath, President Shagari addressed the Nation.

It was the dawn of a new day. Christmas carol still played in some homes inspite of the economic hardship of that time, and Nigerians were looking to a more prosperous new year. When they woke up on Saturday 31st December 1983, it was the martial music they heard on their radio and expectedly announcing a coup detach.

Nigeria’s second republic lasted for only four years and three months! It began on the first of October, 1979 and was abruptly terminated on the thirty first of December 1983.

The second republic was conceptualized, nurtured and realized under a military dispensation now known as the Murtala –Obasanjo regime. The idea of returning Nigeria to democratic governance was muted by the then Military Head of State, General; Murtala Ramat Mohammed in his Independence Day National broadcast of, 1st October 1975. 

In that speech, General Muritala Mohammed gave a transition outline that included, creation of new states, drafting of a new constitution, preparation for a general election, lifting the ban on political activities, elections proper and transfer of power to a democratically elected government at federal and state levels by 1st October 1979.

Seventeen days after his National broadcast, General Murtala Mohammed inaugurated the constitution drafting committee on October 18,1975. The committee was under the chairmanship of first Senior Advocate of Nigeria, then 55 years old, late Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams. Forty eight other persons were appointed, which included two representatives from each of the then 12 states of the federation and eminent Nigerians in relevant constitution-making disciplines, like law, economics, political science and History.

Though General Murtala Mohammed was assassinated on February 13, 1976, that military regime ensured that the Constitution Drafting Committee and later the constituent Assembly under late Justice Udo Udoma with input and amendments from the then Supreme Military Council (SMC) came up with what is today regarded as the 1979 constitution.

General Olusegun Obasanjo who succeeded General Murtala Mohammed continued the transition programme with Military Precision. Thus on September 21 1978, the ban on political activities was lifted
The creation of seven additional States brought the total to nineteen states. They were Anambra, Bauchi, Bendel, Benue, Borno, Cross River, Gongola, Imo, Kaduna, Kano, Kwara and Lagos. Others were Niger, Ogun, Ondo, Oyo, Plateau, Rivers and Sokoto.

With the provisions of the Electoral decree 1977 and with the draft of the 1979 constitution in mind, political gladiators and enthusiasts went on to the political arena for the formation of party platforms in the quest for electoral victory in the 1979 General elections. By December 22, 1978 when the Chairman, Federal Electoral Commission FEDECO Chief Michael Ani announced the formal registration of Political Parties, many Nigerians were already in high spirits expectantly on the verge of multiparty democracy.

The five Political Parties recognized by FEDECO out of 52 political associations in 1979 were the National party of Nigeria (NPN), the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP), the Unity of Nigeria (UPN), the Great Nigerian Peoples Party (GNPP), and the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) Political scientists and historians then, Judging from the membership of political parties, described them as the reincarnation of the proscribed parties of the first republic; thus reviving the politics of ethnicism and regional partisanship. Professor Sam Ambi, a professor of Political Science University of Abuja.

Though the National Party of Nigeria, NPN did not have an undisputed political leader, it was a coalition of the defunct Northern Peoples Congress and the National Movement which was formed by the technocrats of the North when the constituent Assembly was in session. Names like Aliyu Makama Bida, Adisa Akinloye, Joseph Tarka, K. O Mbadiwe, Adamu Ciroma, Joseph Wayas, Aper Aku, Richard Akinjide, Kam Salem, Ibrahim Dasuki, Ibrahim Tahir, Umar Dikko, Olusola Saraki among others were the big chieftains of NPN then.

The Unity Party of Nigeria was obviously the new platform for the banned Action Group in the first republic and under the total control of the undisputed leadership of \Chief Obafemi Awolowo, with strong loyal, committed followers, in Bisi Onabanjo, Bola Ige, Adekunle Ajasin, Josiah Olawoyin. Philip Umeadi among others. The UPN drew its support from old western region.

The Peoples redemption Party, PRP was inspired by the socialist ideology of the Northern Elements Peoples Union, NEPU. The PRP was under the tutelage of late Mallam Aminu Kano and S.G Ikoku. At inception, the Nigeria Peoples Party, NPP and the Great Nigeria Peoples Party were one entity before they split. The NPP under Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe was during the second republic the platform for the old defunct National convention. of Nigeria Citizens, NCNC and the Eastern Progressives.

The Great Nigerian Peoples Party GNPP had a semblance of the old Borno Youth movement. Before the 1983 elections, however the National Advance Party NAP, under Mr. Tunji Braithwaite was registered, and according to experts, to play the role of the old NNDP of Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola.

The Federal Electoral Commission, FEDECO registered over forty eight point four million voters for the 1979 General Election. When the parties conventions were over, candidates at Federal and state levels crisis crossed, the country campaigning for votes. The NPN hinged its promises on shelter, Green Revolution, qualitative Education and government of National Unity, the UPN with its socialist liberal ideas sold to the electorate, free health, free Education, integrated rural development and security. The PRP canvassed for socio-economic transformation of the down trodden, the NPP and the GNPP campaigned with social welfare programmes, Education and economic development as baits for the voters.

Generally and in-fact, all the five parties campaigned vigorously. However, outside the broad spectrum of election promises, candidates clandestinely used ethnicity, religion, and old wounds of the first republic to garner support. The more ethnically homogenous, a state was, the higher the degree of electoral success.

It was NOT a surprise therefore that the UPN led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and identified with the south west of Nigeria cleared state and National Assembly elections in Lagos, Ogun, Ondo and Oyo states, in most cases with over Ninety percent of votes cast.

The NPP led by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe cleared Ibo speaking areas of the East in Old Anambra and Imo states with over eighty percent of the votes. The North went to the northern candidates of Hausa/Fulani, and Kanuri descents. Alhaji Shehu Shagari came tops in Sokoto, Bauchi, Niger, Kwara, Rivers, and Cross Rivers.

Kano and Kaduna were the Preserve of the PRP led by Mallam Aminu Kano while Borno state went to GNPP under the leadership of Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim, the proponent of “Politics without Bitterness”. The four elections held on Saturdays over a period of four weeks, starting with 95 senatorial seats on July 7, 1979 to the Presidential election on August 11, 1979 as earlier announced by FEDECO Chairman, Michael Ani on 12th April, 1979.

After the elections into the senate and the House of Representatives, it became apparent that the Presidential election could be inconclusive. Though NPN was in the lead, it did NOT have absolute majority in the National Assembly, while in all the elections, all the five political parties won elections to state government houses, state houses of Assembly and the National Assembly. NPN had 36 senate seats with 168 representatives.

The UPN came second with 28 Senate seats and 105 representatives. The NPP, 16 senators with 78 representatives. Seven senate seats and 49 representatives went to the PRP where the GNPP secured six senatorial seats with forty three federal constituencies. In all the elections, accusing fingers were pointed at various directions, allegations and counter allegations went on unabated.

FEDECO was accused of incompetence and partiality. When the results of the Presidential Elections conducted on Saturday August 11, 1979 were announced Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the NPN scored the highest number of votes with over five point six million, followed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo with over four point nine million votes. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe of the NPP had two point eight million votes, Mallam Aminu Kano, PRP one point seven million while Alhaji Ibrahim Waziri of the GNPP was in the rear with one point six million votes.

As soon as the election results were announced, the legal interpretation of section 126 subsection 26, of the 1979 constitution which states that “a candidate to the office of the President shall be deemed to have been duly elected with NOT less than one quarter of votes cast in each of at least two-third of all the states of the Federation” began.

Is two third of 19states, 13 or 12 2/3?. All the non-NPN voters or sympathizers thought it was 13. the UPN went to Election Tribunal with legal luminaries like Chief Kehinde Sofola, Philip Umeadi and Chief Awolowo himself arguing; chief Richard Akinjide, NPN legal adviser and later the country’s Attorney General argued that 2/3 of 19 was 12 2/3 and NOT 13. UPN lost at the tribunal and lost the appeal at the Supreme Court.

On the nation’s 19th Nigeria’s Independence anniversary, 1st October 1979, Alhaji Shehu Shagari was sworn-in as the first Executive President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria and promised in his maiden national address to uplift the living standard of Nigerians.

The hype, the controversy and the battle over what was 2/3 of 19 created a gap between NPN controlled federal government and the other four parties. NPN needed an alliance to be able to form a broad based government. UPN, PRP, GNPP rejected NPN’s overture except NPP. This was later to be known as the NPN/NPP Accord. Here again is Professor Sam Ambi, a Political Scientist.

2nd Republic Speaker, of the Federal House of Representatives, Chief Edwin Umeh – Ezeoke described the Alliance as the best democratic step- ever-with-social benefits to the people.

When President Shagari convened the National Assembly by proclamation on 9th of October 1979, a working alliance was already in progress with 52 senators and 244 members of the House of Representatives expected to support bills and Programmes of the central government. Initially it worked. Dr. Joseph Wayas NPN, was elected the president of the Senate while Mr. John Wash Pam, NPP the deputy. Chief Edwin Ume-Ezuoke, NPP, was elected speaker while Alhaji Idris Ibrahim NPN the deputy Speaker. Problems however began to surface in other appointments.

In his first address to the joint session of the National Assembly, President Shehu Shagari outlined some projected policies and at the same time focusing the minds of the Legislator to the challenges ahead.

The return to the democratic ethos appeared to be blossom, culminating into the actual movement to the Nation’s new capital by September 1982, with political leading Assembly in Abuja for the 22nd Independence anniversary.
According to the 2nd Republic Speaker, there was mutual respect and cordial relationship between the Legislature and the Executive.

Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya, Chairman NPP gave notice of his Party’s intention to terminate the accord within 6th months. Chief Adisa Akinloye NPN Chairman called for its immediate termination.

Other parties saw a window of opportunity to form an alliance. The alliance of GNPP, NPP, PRP and UPN crystallized into what was then known as Progressive Parties Alliance (PPA). It was just a matter of time before cracks were noticed in the alliance. PRP and NPP leadership at a time wanted the withdrawal of their governors from PPA membership and Impeachment of governors later followed in Kaduna first and then Kano.

Each state and indeed the federal government tried to execute what is now regarded as White Elephant and gigantic projects leading to outright looting of the treasury by top government officials, elected and appointed. By 1982, the country’s economic depression which had set in by mid 1981 due to low sales in petroleum products had reached crisis situation.

All over major cities, Nigerians queued up for what they then called essential commodities: detergents, toiletries, rice, sugar, vegetable oil etc and Excessive show of Executive power by NPN like the deportation order on GNPP majority leader in Borno state of House of Assembly, Alhaji Abdulraman Shugaba, on January 24, 1980. Apart form the socio-economic problems, there were inter and intra party crisis.

The NPN had problem with zoning, the UPN with automatic remuneration of Governors and elected representatives. The PRP had factions, just as Party indiscipline was noticed in GNPP and NPP. Party crisis in the second republic according to experts was nothing but a struggle for Office or for Government patronage.

With the performance of governments at all levels below average, favouritism in appointments, promotions and contracts awards, the weak-minded began to decamp from one party to another. The August to September 1983 general election were mainly the affair of the civilian government characterized by tension, violence, FEDECO police connivance, and an apathetic civil population.

It was in the midst of this chaos that the 1983 election was conducted. 65 point 3 million voters were registered. Called “verdict 83”, the NPN with its purchasing power claimed a landslide victory spanning from the desert to the Atlantic. Volatile States like Oyo and Ondo were NOT spared by the NPN. Once again, Alhaji Shehu Shagari was sworn in as President at the second inauguration ceremony.

Unpalatable reactions from the opposition, citizens and media editorials began. Some opposition were quoted as saying that NPN was ruling on borrowed time. A Retired General said democracy died with the conduct of the 1983 elections. And in the midst of high rate of inflation, prostitution, food scarcity, corruption, weak leadership, the martial music blared once again at the dawn of Saturday 31st December 1983, followed by the voice then Brigadier General Sanni Abacha

A wide spectrum of experts had opined that the second republic politicians killed our collective dream to return the country to a democratic one between 1979 to 1983 and the already politicized military buried the second republic, as a new Military Head of State, Major General Muhammadu Buhari emerged.

Whether Nigerians have learnt from the past, time will tell, for, according to W. B. Yeats “Yesterday was past, today is our future, because tomorrow is unknown”

That was ‘a return to Democracy 1979 to 1983’. A documentary on the politics of the second republic; a production of Radio Nigeria, Abuja National Station. On behalf of the Script writer and producer Mohammed Bello, Executive Producer Alh. Ibrahim Abdullahi and the production team...